As you could know, I’m a great fan of the works of the Canadian writer, Robertson Davies. So, when I’m on the lookout for inspiration and concepts, I turn to his articles on writing. I came across a speech he gave in 1990 for the Tanner Lectures in New Haven, Connecticut. One is entitled merely Writing, the other Reading.

What makes a novel good or even really nice, in order that it will likely be read 100 years from now [or more]? What takes a novel out of its personal time, so to talk, and grow to be common?

I’ve to quote Davies from his speech where he talks of a necessary quality he calls
shamanstvo.

To weave the spell, the writer will need to have inside him something similar to the silk spinning and web-casting gift of a spider; he must not solely have something to say, some story to tell, or some knowledge to impart, however he must have a characteristic method of doing it which entraps and holds nonetheless his prey, by which I mean his reader.

When reading this, I first think of shamans [i.e.: shamanstvo]-some form of mystic, a healer, with powers not given to mere mortals. Perhaps a trickster or someone claiming to communicate with gods!

A tall order for us who toil before our computers, hoping for inspiration to only wrap up the plot or get a bit of dialogue right!

But it surely’s true! Keep in mind the final time you picked up a novel and from the very first sentence, you had been transfixed, inexorably drawn into the world the author had created. I suppose that’s the “un-put-down-ready” high quality we all seek.

By some means, I don’t think Davies meant the standard of an actual “page turner.” He knew the worth of lingering over a passage and the savouring of language. It’s received to be one thing else.

I really like this quote from Davies. The silk to make the online comes from within the spider and is produced naturally from it. The spider doesn’t know how it does this. It’s just its inherent ability. And so, Davies have to be talking about the grand sum of our complete self which produces this story-or silk. It’s a product of the writer’s being.

And it should have a story to tell or some wisdom to impart. But I think the actual secret is contained in the previous few phrases- a characteristic way of doing it which entraps and holds still his prey, by which I imply his reader. Clearly, it must be extremely personal and individual to the writer. And it have to be a narrative or a thought, which just about impales the reader with its significance.

How can the writer hope to do such a thing? In spite of everything, my experience is private to me, simply as yours is to you. How, by drawing on my own private experience, can I hope to ensnare you into my net? And better still, seize 1000’s of readers, all of whom have their very own private worlds? How can I ever hope to enchant a reader with my world?

Immediately, I think of the Swiss psychiatrist, Carl Jung and the collective unconscious-which we all share. If a author can entry that stage of the unconscious, perhaps he can bring into his writing that which is common or common to all humankind. In fact, the author interprets that material and adapts it to his own private expertise of life. However nonetheless, he has drawn upon emotions, thoughts, archetypes, symbols and signs, even myths from that great library of human expertise all of us share-the collective unconscious.

Perhaps that is how we come full circle to the thought of shamanstvo. That charmer, enchanter quality. Shamans are certainly mystics. They’ve special access to inside worlds-as I understand it-by the use of gift. However that doesn’t mean we can’t try to enter these worlds the place the creative supplies of common attraction are buried.

However Davies would not likely agree with me. To him, you either have shamanstvo otherwise you don’t. In fact, he says that everyone has a private unconscious, which is rooted within the collective unconscious.

However the distinction is this. The kind of writer he means is one who has

the power to ask it, to solicit its assistance, to hear what it has to say and impart it in a language that’s notably his own. He might not be-very in all probability is not-fishing up messages from the unconscious which astonish and strike dumb his readers. It’s more likely that he is telling them issues that they acknowledge as quickly as they hear them.

There you go! If its one thing they acknowledge instantly, then it have to be drawn up [dredged up?] from the collective unconscious shared by all of us. Put in more mythological terms, it sounds similar to the power to court docket the muse.

So, subsequent time we’re writing and get caught, maybe it’s best to only take a nap. Why? As a result of desires, they say, are the gateway to the unconscious.

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School finance history is characterized by varying degrees of local, state, and federal support. Throughout history, local support of schools has suffered from glaringly inequitable tax structures resulting in wide variations in funding. State intercession has reduced local control but increased equalization in funding through regulations based on conditions associated with state aid. Federal financial activity evolved rapidly in the latter half of the twentieth century with contributions reaching their highest levels in the 1970s and again in the late 1990s. Federallevel rhetoric about support of education reemerged at the beginning of the twenty-first century, but the levels of funding and programmatic efforts were fractured along political divisions. These trends may be viewed within a historical perspective that encompasses five periods, beginning in 1607.
The Colonial Period
The colonial period began with the establishment of the permanent settlement at Jamestown and ended with the conclusion of the Revolutionary War in 1783. During this period, support and control of schooling were exclusively a local matter. Local support, grounded in either the church or the home, grew from limited support of European investors. Monies that were earmarked for education were often redirected to other community needs, such as the building of hospitals. Schooling in the southern colonies was based on apprenticeships or the use of pauper schools. Wealthier areas in the Northeast supported community-financed grammar schools. The wide disparity in a revenue base for schooling mirrored similar disparities in quality of teaching, buildings, and curricula.
Once agreement had been reached to build and finance a school, local communities identified revenue sources that included subscriptions (specified amounts paid by townspeople), rents, donations, bequests, land grants from the British Crown, and other efforts made from the resources of the town. Puritan-Calvinist New England supported taxation to support an education system of common schools for all students, Latin schools for upper grades, and a college for ministerial preparation. A different system evolved in the mid-Atlantic colonies because these colonies did not have a church majority. Parochial schools dominated, despite their inevitable decline because of a lack of state regulation. State interference was resented and opposed. The state had no role or obligation to support such schools. The dominant trend emerging from the colonial period was that public education should not be limited to poor children or require tuition.
The National Period
The national period began with the close of the Revolutionary War and extended through the end of the Civil War. Publicly supported and controlled education was implemented slowly. Financing of schools suffered because of needs associated with national security, the economy, and a significantly rapid increase in population. Local schools became less accessible due to westward expansion. Greater dispersion of the general population resulted in town decentralization and the establishment of the school district. Creating districts extended the concept of local control but resulted in poorer financing and reduced quality. Despite such limitations, the idea of the common school prospered between 1830 and 1865. The idea of tax-supported schools for all children also prospered. The driving mechanism for the common school movement was an expanding national economy based on manufacturing, trade, and industry.
Tax support during this period took a tremendous step forward. The designation in the western territories of sixteenth section township revenue increased support to common schools. (Revenue from the sixteenth section of each township was earmarked for the support of the township’s common school.) Revenue obtained from two other sections within each township was also set aside to endow a university. States from the original colonies that did not have township revenue looked to other methods of tax support including literary funds (New York, Maryland, and New Jersey); liquor-license fees (Connecticut); and state lotteries (New York). Bank taxes were also used between 1825 and 1860. States that did not use direct taxation looked to the property tax, but widespread use of this form of taxation was hard-won. Critics of pauper schools argued that the segregation of the poor into special schools did not represent the American ideal of an egalitarian democracy. Free schools also came under attack, because many were not actually free. In many cases, these schools were supported by rate bills that required a family to pay a tuition based on the number of children attending the school.
One of the main outcomes of the national period was an increase in state supervision with accompanying state requirements. Both outcomes were based on conditional state aid, a tactic also followed by the federal government. Government aid through land endowments to church schools was effectively ended. An outcome of the increase of sectarian control (loss of church dominance) over education was a decrease in the quality of local education and school attendance. This condition continued until state supervision over local outcomes began to increase.

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Educators often feel ambivalent about the pursuit of efficiency in education. On the one hand, there is a basic belief that efficiency is a good and worthy goal; on the other hand, there is sense of worry that efforts to improve efficiency will ultimately undermine what lies at the heart of high-quality education. Part of the difficulty stems from a misunderstanding about the meaning of efficiency as well as from the legacy of past, sometimes misguided, efforts to improve the efficiency of educational systems. It is therefore useful to begin with a basic discussion of the efficiency concept.
The notion of efficiency applies to a remarkably large number of fields, including education. It is a disarmingly simple idea that presupposes a transformation of some kind. One can think in terms of what was in hand before the transformation, what was in hand after the transformation, and one can also think about the transformation process itself. The before elements are commonly referred to as ingredients, inputs, or resources while the after elements are called results, outputs, or outcomes. The transformation process is sometimes less obvious and can become confused with ingredients. For example, in an educational setting, a teacher can be thought of as an ingredient while teaching is an important part of the actual transformation process.
The concept of efficiency is often connected to a moral imperative to obtain more desired results from fewer resources. Efficiency needs to be thought of as a matter of degree. Efficiency is not a “yes/no” kind of phenomenon. It is instead better thought of in relative or comparative terms. One operation may be more efficient than another. This said, the more efficient of the two operations could become even more efficient. The quest for greater efficiency is never over, and this sense of a perennially unfinished agenda is one source of the generalized sense of anxiety that tends to surround the efficiency concept.
The Choice of Outcomes
If the goal is to obtain more desired results from fewer resources, then it is important to be clear about what is being sought. Society might have a very efficient system because a large amount of outcome is being obtained relative to the resources being spent or invested, but if the outcomes are out of sync with what is truly desired, there is a real sense in which the system is not very efficient. Of course, this invites important questions about who gets to decide what counts as a desirable outcome, and in education there are longstanding and ongoing debates over what the educational system ought to be accomplishing.
In the United States, education is viewed as a responsibility of the individual states rather than the national government, and the states have made efforts to define the outcomes they seek from their educational systems. These efforts have come to be known as standards-driven initiatives, where the standards constitute pronouncements from the states about the collective expectations for what the schools need to accomplish. The idea has been for each state to articulate the desired outcomes and then provide flexibility to the districts, schools, administrators, teachers, and students to meet the standards in ways that make the most sense given local circumstances.
States have handled this in different ways and there are interesting deeper questions about how to balance state judgments with judgments that are made at more localized levels. How, for example, should a disagreement between a duly constituted local school board and the state be settled? Going further, how should the views of local boards be considered as the state sets its standards? What is the proper role for minority views? And how should revisions be handled as time passes?
It is customary to think of the state’s setting minimum standards that can be exceeded by individual localities if a locality resolves to do so and can muster the necessary resources. This thinking presupposes a hierarchical view of educational outcomes in the sense that outcome “C” builds upon outcome “B” while outcome “B” builds upon outcome “A.” A problem is that outcomes may not always have this kind of hierarchical nature. Suppose a school wants to provide a high degree of personalized attention as part of its program. Is this an input or an outcome? Let us suppose that this is a costly thing to do. The school that pursues this strategy is going to consume more ingredients and if only the standard outcomes are looked at, this school is going to look like costs are high relative to the outcomes that are realized. Hence, the school could look inefficient for the simple reason that it has chosen to pursue a different set of educational goals. There is also the possibility that a locally selected goal can interfere with or undermine one of the state selected goals.
In addition to reaching agreement about the mix of outcomes to pursue, there are important measurement issues to consider. An interest in efficiency is frequently accompanied by an interest in measuring magnitudes. If one is seeking more out of less, one frequently wants to know “how much more,” and the result has been a boom in the efforts by educational psychologists and others to develop valid and reliable measures of the learning gains of students. Critics of efficiency analysis in education worry that ease of measurement can unduly influence the selection of the outcomes that the system will be structured to achieve. In other words, the worry is that the drive for efficiency will lead, perhaps inadvertently, toward the use of educational outcomes that are chosen more because they are easy to measure than because of their intrinsic long-term value for either individual students or the larger society.

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Learning theories are so central to the discipline of psychology that it is impossible to separate the history of learning theories from the history of psychology. Learning is a basic psychological process, and investigations of the principles and mechanisms of learning have been the subject of research and debate since the establishment of the first psychological laboratory by Wilhelm Wundt in Leipzeig, Germany, in 1879. Learning is defined as a lasting change in behaviors or beliefs that results from experience. The ability to learn provides every living organism with the ability to adapt to a changing environment. Learning is an inevitable consequence of living–if we could not learn, we would die.
The evolution of learning theories may be thought of as a progression from broad theories developed to explain the many ways that learning occurs to more specific theories that are limited in the types of learning they are designed to explain. Learning theories are broadly separated into two perspectives. The first perspective argues that learning can be studied by the observation and manipulation of stimulus-response associations. This is known as the behaviorist perspective because of its strict adherence to the study of observable behaviors. This perspective was first articulated in 1913 by John Watson, who argued that psychology should be the study of observable phenomena, not the study of consciousness or the mind. Watson believed that objective measurement of observable phenomena was the only way to advance the science of psychology.
The second type of learning theory argues that intervening variables are appropriate and necessary components for understanding the processes of learning. This perspective falls under the broad rubric of cognitive learning theory, and it was first articulated by Wilhem Wundt, the acknowledged “father of psychology,” who used introspection as a means of studying thought processes. Although proponents of these two perspectives differ in their view of how learning can be studied, both schools of thought agree that there are three major assumptions of learning theory: (1) behavior is influenced by experience, (2) learning is adaptive for the individual and for the species, and (3) learning is a process governed by natural laws that can be tested and studied.
Behavior Theory
The behaviorist perspective dominated the study of learning throughout the first half of the twentieth century. Behaviorist theories identified processes of learning that could be understood in terms of the relationships between the stimuli that impinge on organisms and the way organisms respond, a view that came to be referred to as S-R theories. A central process in S-R theories is equipotentiality. Equipotential learning means that learning processes are the same for all animals, both human and nonhuman. By studying learning in nonhuman animals, the early behaviorists believed they were identifying the basic processes that are important in human learning. They also believed that learning could only be studied by observing events in the environment and measuring the responses to those events. According to the behaviorists, internal mental states are impossible topics for scientific inquiry, and thus are not necessary in the study of learning. For behaviorists, a change in behavior is the only appropriate indicator that learning has occurred. According to this view, all organisms come into the world with a blank mind, or, more formally, a tabula rasa (blank slate), on which the environment writes the history of learning for that organism. Learning, from the behaviorist perspective, is what happens to an organism as a result of its experiences.
Types of behavioral learning. There are two main types of learning in the behaviorist tradition. The first is classical conditioning, which is associated with the work of Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936), a Russian physiologist who studied the digestive processes of dogs. Pavlov noticed that dogs salivated in the absence of food if a particular stimulus was present that had previously been paired with the presentation of food. Pavlov investigated the way in which an association between a neutral stimulus (e.g., a lab technician who fed the dogs), an unconditioned stimulus (food), and an unconditioned reflex (salivation) was made. Pavlov’s classic experiment involved the conditioning of salivation to the ringing of a bell and other stimuli that were not likely to make a dog salivate without a previously learned association with food.
In the initial stages of the classical conditioning paradigm, an unconditioned response (UCR; in this case, salivation) is elicited by the presentation of an unconditioned stimulus (UCS; in this case, food). If a neutral stimulus (one that does not elicit the UCR, such as a bell) is paired with the presentation of the UCS over a series of trials, it will come to elicit a conditioned response (CR; also salivation in this example), even when the UCS (food) is absent. In the paradigm of classical conditioning, the previously neutral stimulus (bell) becomes a conditioned stimulus (CS), which produces the conditioned response (CR) of salivation. In other words, the animal in the experiment learns to associate the bell with the opportunity to eat and begins to salivate to the bell in the absence of food. It is as though the animal came to think of the bell as “mouthwatering,” although behaviorists never would have used terms like think of, because thinking is not a directly observable behavior.

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Public schools in the United States operate in a pluralist democracy that enables competing interests to gain access to the decision-making process. Quite frequently, conflicts over educational issues occur. Political leaders and educational professionals formulate policies that attempt to mediate competing views and contending interests. There are, however, three understandings about the interaction between interest groups and the public educational enterprise. One school of thought finds that the school system benefits from interest group activities as it incorporates diverse demands. Another perspective views interest groups as autonomous centers that can undermine the schools’ legitimacy. A third perspective observes a reconfiguration of the goals and functions of interest groups in an era in the early twenty-first century of “postmaterialism.”
Diversity
Pluralistic representation, according to many researchers, can strengthen public schools. Historically, school responsiveness to its diverse clients is seen in the development of an increasingly professionalized system. In his study of three central-city districts from 1870 to 1940, Paul Peterson observed in 1985 the “politics of institutionalization,” where clients who had previously been excluded from school services gradually gained admission to the system. As schools expanded their client base, Peterson saw no single interest as dominant over all school issues. Although though the business elites tended to prevail in fiscal issues, working-class organizations exercised substantial influence over compulsory education. Because diverse actors and interests contributed to an expanding school system, the real winners were the school system and its broadening clientele. The urban
public school system practiced the politics of nonexclusion, gradually extending services from the middle class to the low-income populations, and from groups with roots in the United States to various immigrant and racial groups.
Conceptually, Peterson’s analysis is consistent with the tradition of pluralist scholarship in political science as exemplified by Robert Dahl’s classic 1961 work Who Governs?. From a policy point of view, interest group competition has encouraged the school bureaucracy to adopt objective, universal criteria in distributing resources to neighborhood schools.
School responsiveness to its diverse clients also improves equal educational opportunity for the disadvantaged since the 1960s. In 1986 Gary Orfield and Susan Eaton discussed “group rights” politics in securing governmental resources for low-income inner-city African Americans in the Atlanta metropolitan area. Further, using data from the U.S. Office of Civil Rights in districts with at least 15,000 students and 1 percent African-American enrollment, Kenneth Meier and colleagues examined in 1989 the practice of second-generation discrimination in the classroom following the implementation of a school desegregation plan. They found that African-American representation on the school board has contributed to the recruitment of African-American administrators, who in turn hired more African-American teachers. African-American teachers, according to the study, are crucial in reducing the assignment of African-American students to classes for the educable mentally retarded. African-American representation in the instructional staff also reduces the number of disciplinary actions against African-American students and increases the latter’s participation in classes for the gifted. Luis Fraga and colleagues found a similar situation in 1986 with Hispanic students in thirty-five large urban districts. Thus, “group rights” politics is critical to ensure allocative practices that benefit the disadvantaged.
Autonomous Power Centers
Although interest group politics may facilitate collective concerns, organized interests can become autonomous power centers that undermine the organizational capacity of the school system. A major interest group is the teacher union. William Grimshaw’s 1979 study of Chicago’s teacher union suggested that the union had gone through two phases in its relationship with the city and school administration. During the formative years, the union largely cooperated with the administration (and the mayor) in return for a legitimate role in the policy-making process. In the second phase, which Grimshaw characterized as “union rule,” the union became independent of both the local political machine and the reform fractions. Instead, it looked to the national union leadership for guidance and engaged in tough bargaining with the administration over better compensation and working conditions. Consequently, Grimshaw argued that policymakers “no longer are able to set policy unless the policy is consistent with the union’s objectives” (p. 150).
Organizational growth, in Bruce Cooper’s view, has led to problems of “mature institutions,” where union leaders have to mediate trade-offs between quality and supply. Seeing a new trend in school competition, Susan Moore Johnson observed the need for replacing “collective bargaining” with “reform bargaining.”
Another organized interest is the increasingly well-organized taxpaying public, a substantial portion of which no longer has children in the public schools. The aging population has placed public education in competition with transportation, public safety, community development, and health care over budgetary allocation. Discontent with property taxes became widespread during the time of the much-publicized campaign for Proposition 13 in California. According to Jack Citrin, between 1978 and 1983, of the sixty-seven tax or spending limitation measures on state ballots across the nation, thirty-nine were approved. During the 1990s, business-organized lobbying groups have been successful in pushing for higher academic standards and stronger accountability measures. In districts where public schools fail repeatedly, political leaders tend to seek for alternative ways of delivering schooling services, including privatization or creating charter schools. At the federal level, the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 that was passed in January 2002 allowed for public school choice as a corrective action to schools that fail repeatedly.

non-plagiarized essay

Subway is likely one of the largest franchises all around the world for quick meals restaurant. It is primarily recognized for its sandwiches and salads. Additionally it is known as as Subway Sandwiches. Two folks, Fred De Luca and Peter Buck in the 12 months 1965, founded this restaurant. The corporation Physician’s Associates Inc. owns the trademark of this restaurant. Its reputation has surpassed by having over 28,274 franchised units in 87 countries.

It is one of the fastest growing franchises in the world and had over 2000 locations added in the yr 2005. The subway sandwiches have gained a lot of significance in concern with the well being related elements of the customer. Its rising recognition is adjudged by the well being conscious weight-reduction plan prepared and served. The restaurant is thus, marketed as a health-conscious restaurant chain.

The slogan of the subway sandwiches is “Eat Recent”. This slogan explains the best way each sandwich is constituted of freshly baked breads, utilizing contemporary ingredients. The most thrilling and unusual factor is that the entire preparation is made within the vigilance of the customer depending upon their requirements. Many eating places operate in other non-traditional areas like army bases, and inside Wal-Marts etc. A lot of them are growing in school and college campuses too.

The most important factor that makes the Subway Sandwiches so famous is their menu. This is the primary purpose to hold on the customers for years together. The menu in the restaurant adjustments depending upon its location, state and country. In the Muslim Countries like Iran, Iraq, Pakistan and many others, the menu omits elements like ham, and pork cold cuts. Where because the core sandwich items are retained as, it is. Essentially the most likable and well-known wanted dish is the Submarine Sandwiches. They’re bought in six-inch, foot long sizes. They have additionally introduced its smaller model of four inches especially for kids often known as Mini Sub.

The components that embrace in making of the sandwiches are the lettuce, green peppers, tomato, onions, olives, banana peppers and pickles. Like other eating places, they even provide limited time offers to their customers. Subway sandwiches additionally supply catering for events, which have giant subs minimal 3 toes long along with the sandwich platter. The subway gives rest of the issues from Subway sandwiches like breakfast gadgets and different baked goods and bagels. Egg and sausage sandwiches can be found with personal pizzas being served in some chosen outlets. Nevertheless, the supply of breakfast and pizzas is just not obtainable in all of the stores.

The subway sandwich restaurant has the ability to load and reload the subway card to pay for his or her restaurant purchases. This accompanied with incomes points on every item purchased. The points then could be redeemed for the food gadgets akin to 10 factors = 1 cookie, 15 factors = 1 bag of chips, and so forth to seventy five factors = common foot-lengthy Sub or Salad. In sports activities too, it plays an important function, as it is among the very long time sponsors of World Wrestling Entertainment. It is also sponsor of some of the soccer leagues. There are subway coupons obtainable out there every month. The purchasers can avail profit or reductions on their favourite gadgets by submitting the coupons within the restaurant.

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Within the city areas all the pressures are based mostly on the method inadequate reality of lighting in a lot of the conditions that are also presumably for the house in a particular way with the assistance of the Led Bulb. There’s a well known instance for all the specifically made works of the office that can actually be quite for the most effective types of problem on all the days of the works which are initiated with the acceptable times. For all the people it’s a right type of newest usages and there are a lot of of the acceptable enhancements within the Led Bulb mode of lighting with the doable kinds of techniques in all of the possible means which were actually made with the primary supply for the reason of lighting. There’s a normal mode of labor which can be completely based mostly on the simpler works which are present apart from all of the particular sort of straightforward modal signaling on the light within the on a regular basis’s gadgets of the real time working. All of the knowledgeable typically says that there are a lot of of the special form of offers that are with the suitable number of components for the worst type of issues which might be certainly reoccurring within the lights and there are also sure works that are usually used in most events to steer many of the folks in the technique of ending up by the Led Bulb. For getting the perfect varieties of powerful lightings there’s a probability to deal with the fluorescence mode of lights that will simply long run in all of the chances. There are lots of of the doable works which can be related to the huge mode of developments in the real time work of thinking to contemplate all the actual time prices for the real time merchandise that may only act for the decisive sort of factors.

College teaching is a very complex activity that cannot easily be defined or measured. Part of the reason is that teaching at any level cannot be divorced from the context in which it takes place and particularly from the teachers and learners who are involved. Good teaching in a graduate seminar in physics is not necessarily the same as good teaching in a large, introductory physics course, and it is certainly different from teaching in music or philosophy, or languages or medicine or business, whether in college or elsewhere. Another issue is that there is no single definition of good teaching. A major criterion of good teaching is, of course, the learning that results, but teachers cannot be held entirely responsible for student learning, and often, learning is as difficult to define and measure as teaching. Research on college teaching and learning has identified several factors that contribute to successful outcomes, but the presence or absence of these factors (often called dimensions, behaviors, practices, conditions, or principles) does not automatically mean that teaching is good or bad.
What is clear is that even though there are established general relationships between teaching and learning, each teaching and learning situation possesses unique characteristics and success is largely dependent on being able to capitalize on the conditions that promote learning and to avoid those factors that may impede it. The direct responsibility for success is shared by teachers and students, but this does not exempt institutions and academic units from some degree of responsibility for providing the tools, resources, and environments that allow teachers and students to maximize the benefits that result from their efforts. Indeed, the research shows how critical it is to create environments that promote and support success whether these are in traditional classrooms where teachers and students regularly meet face-to-face, or in new, virtual classrooms where teachers and students interact via the Internet and may never have such meetings.
A Short History
Since the 1950s there has been a tremendous amount of research on college teaching, and this work has become more comprehensive and productive, particularly since the early 1970s. Part of the impetus for this work came from faculty who were interested in understanding and improving teaching and learning in their classrooms. These faculty, however, were from all disciplines, and they did not have an organized body of research and theory upon which to base their investigations, experience in educational research, or criteria to guide their investigative methods and practices. Those with more specific training and experiences, for example psychologists and educational researchers, had a dual interest because research on teaching and learning not only served their own teaching but also contributed to the literature in their own disciplines. After World War II, the rapid growth of federal, state, and private funding in support of teaching and learning allowed these researchers to carry out large and comprehensive studies that formed the basis of research for the next half-century.
From another quarter, the social activism and student unrest during the 1960s fueled demands that a college education should be more relevant to students’ interests and needs and more connected to real-world issues both in the personal realm of career preparation and the broad sociopolitical arena.
A third force was the growing interest in determining the extent to which higher education was fulfilling its roles. Institutional boards of trustees, state and federal governments, accrediting agencies, and others became more actively interested in the outcomes of a college education, and the matter of accountability became a more and more pressing issue as time went on. It was necessary to have ways of determining both what was happening (the instruments or processes of education) as well as what resulted (the consequences or outcomes of education). In the mid-to-late 1960s, landmark work began in the field of evaluation. Michael Scriven (1967) coined the terms formative and summative evaluation, with the former meaning evaluation for purposes of revision and improvement and the latter meaning evaluation for purposes of making decisions about the merit or worth of individuals, programs, units, or institutions. The evaluation of faculty performance and specifically of college teaching grew exponentially with early, major books on the topic contributed by Kenneth O. Doyle (1975) and John A. Centra (1979). The primary source of information for evaluating teaching was student-provided data from teacher/course evaluation questionnaires commonly referred to as student ratings ofteaching. In a series of reports, Peter Seldin documented the growth of the use of student ratings, and by the mid-1990s well over 90 percent of higher education institutions in the United States were using student ratings as part of the evaluation of college teaching.
By the mid-1980s, it became apparent that typical classroom testing was not providing sufficiently detailed information about the nature and outcomes of teaching. More specific investigation was required to truly measure learning, and the assessment movement gained momentum. In their 1993 study, Thomas A. Angelo and K. Patricia Cross provided widely used guidelines for practice, and the quality of institutional assessment has become a primary criterion used by accreditation agencies not only to determine the extent to which student learning outcomes have been achieved but also as a mechanism to help teachers and programs develop better, more measurable objectives. Without clear specification of the intended outcomes, measurement becomes difficult. As the common paraphrase notes, “If you don’t know where you’re going, you won’t know if you get there.”

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The National Association of State Universities and Land-Grant Colleges (NASULGC) is an organization of more than 200 public universities, land-grant colleges, and state university systems. Within this constituency, seventy-five are land-grant colleges, including seventeen historically black public colleges and universities

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